A civilization that loses its thumos loses the will to fight, the will to strive for excellence, and, perhaps importantly, the will to thrive rather than merely survive.
This warning in Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s address in Athens last week was a trumpet blast to wake a civilization that has forgotten who it is. Standing on the Pnyx, the hill where ancient Athenians gathered to govern themselves, Rubio did what Western leaders almost never do anymore: he praised the West without apologizing for it.
“The story of our civilization is the greatest story ever known to man,” Rubio declared. “And it began here, with the first men and women of the West.”
With the Parthenon glowing behind him in the evening light, America’s top diplomat spoke in earnest. “We are at an inflection point – an inflection point not only in the history of my nation, but an inflection point in the whole of our civilization.” He called on Europeans to join with Americans in rediscovering “the virtues, the courage, and the strength to confront the dangers that we face in our time.”
It is high time for the West to heed Rubio’s message. The world is not the same place that it was a generation ago, when the Soviet Union collapsed and the United States entered a unipolar moment – the height of American power. Hostile regimes in Tehran, Moscow, and Beijing grow bolder, mass migration strains Europe’s borders, and decades of offshoring have hollowed out the West’s industrial might. A West that forgets how it was built will not know how to defend itself.
For Rubio, the road from the Greek Parthenon leads straight to America’s Independence Hall in Philadelphia. “The history of America, the history of my country, is covered with the fingerprints of antiquity,” he said. But what America inherited most, he argued, is a character: “fierce individuality and relentless ambition; daring exploration and invention; a yearning for discovery, for adventure, risk, and glory.”
“To know them,” Rubio said of the Greeks, “is to know ourselves.”
His speech was another reminder of what sets the Trump administration apart from past administrations. Trump, more than any leader in modern history, possesses a willingness to tell friends the hard truths they would rather not hear.
“Over time, we in the West came to feel ashamed of the very things that made us exceptional,” Rubio explained. “We felt embarrassed that our achievements set us apart from the rest of the world. Our prosperity somehow became a source of guilt. We no longer believed we deserved and had earned our greatness.”
Then came the indictment. “The word ‘nationalism’ became a dirty word,” Rubio lamented. “And so, we tore down our monuments; we condemned our own history. And in too many places, we taught our children to be ashamed of the countries they would inherit.”
That passage stung because every word of it is true. This Monday marked Columbus Day – another excuse for most of the media, liberal politicians, and academia to smear and tear down one of the greatest explorers in human history. Under President Trump, the United States government once again recognizes Christopher Columbus as a hero. But that doesn’t change the decades-long “progressive” crusade to indoctrinate successive generations of Americans to villainize the Founding Fathers as slavers and colonizers while teaching them to hate their own country.
None of it happened by accident. It was taught in universities and enforced by bureaucracies that made contempt for the West their creed.
Rubio was also just as blunt about the cult of mediocrity that has infected Western institutions like a cancer.
“Too often these days, we build downwards,” Rubio said. “We design our standards to ensure no one will lose; we preoccupy ourselves more with the comfort of the worst than the potential of the best. We hold the most exceptional things among us hostage to the average, the ordinary, the mediocre.” Although Rubio didn’t explicitly mention “DEI” by name, his remarks were nonetheless a sweeping takedown of that reductive ideology.
What the West is losing, Rubio argued, is what the Greeks called thumos, “the fire of passion, strength, courage, pride” that is “the heart of great civilization.” Without it, he noted, “nations lose their will to fight, the will to strive, the will to survive.”
The consequences of this slow erasure of thumos are stark. “We opened our borders and outsourced our industry, and allowed our militaries to wither and to decay,” Rubio said, all while “transferring our decisions to global bureaucracies far beyond the reach of our control.”
Notably, it was just over a year ago that President Trump stood before the U.N. General Assembly and warned Europe that mass migration and “suicidal energy policies” would be “the death of Western Europe.” And earlier Trump asked in Warsaw in 2017 whether the West still had the will to survive. Vice President JD Vance further pressed Europe on its founding values in Munich in 2025.
The Trump administration has repeatedly petitioned Europe to return to championing the Western values that made our civilization the envy of the world.
Rubio’s speech last week was the latest chapter of the Trump administration’s consistent argument, addressed as much to Americans as to Europeans. The failure that Rubio diagnosed was a failure of confidence. The West is not being conquered by a foreign army, but by its own lack of willpower.
Rubio made plain that the time for civilizational self-destruction is over. “The next decade and the decisions we make will write the story of the next century,” he said. “We will either choose to act now or lose the choice to act at all.”
“Under President Trump, the United States has made its choice,” Rubio continued. “We choose the unapologetic pursuit of national power: to take back control of our critical supply chains, to reindustrialize our economy, to rebuild our defense, to fight for dominance of the technologies and industries of the future.”
Here Rubio took direct aim at the globalist consensus that has governed Western capitals for a generation. “It has become fashionable today to believe that enlightened foreign policy means prioritizing the global community over one’s own people,” he said. The ancient Greeks knew better. They knew “that there was nothing selfish or wrong about loyalty to your nation.”
This brilliantly roots Trump’s America First agenda in Western Civilization’s 2,500-year history.
Yet nothing in the speech was a call to go it completely alone.
Rubio praised modern Greece as “a model ally” and held out hope for its neighbors. “We believe that Europe can awaken from its long slumber and rekindle the fire that was lit here millennia ago,” he said. His message to the continent was simple: “We want to win together. We must win together.”
Our rivals are not waiting. A U.S. Navy intelligence assessment has put China’s shipbuilding capacity at more than 200 times America’s. Beijing now regards itself as the civilization on the rise, ready to challenge the West’s centuries of global dominance. We must restore the West’s confidence in its own worth to overcome this aggressive competitor on the horizon.
One of the greatest accomplishments of Rubio’s speech in Athens was restoring moral clarity to American diplomacy. He contrasted the heroes of the West with “the radical mullahs of Iran, whose cult of death hails child suicide bombers as national heroes.” Rubio drew the line plainly: the West’s heroes “may be willing to die for their cause; but our heroes do not worship death.”
Rubio also offered a vision of renewal rooted in common history. He was unapologetic about the faith at the center of our story, noting that Greek confidence in a rational order “paved the way for the gospel of Jesus Christ to find fertile soil in Europe and flourish into the empire of Christendom.”
The greatest Americans of every generation have all drawn from this common inheritance, which Rubio said was “born in Athens, formed by Rome, baptized in Christendom, hardened in the furnace of medieval Europe, endowed with the English genius for liberty, and then carried across the Atlantic to be reborn on the shores of a new world.”
Liberal critics are complaining that Rubio was too triumphant, too nationalistic, too unwilling to dwell on the West’s sins. But they are making Rubio’s point for him. The West does not need another lecture on its failings. It has had decades of those. It needs leaders willing to say out loud that its inheritance is good, that its heroes are worth celebrating, and that its future is worth fighting for.
In short, Rubio’s speech gave the free world permission to be proud, something many of its leaders have withheld for a generation. Ordinary citizens on both sides of the Atlantic have waited a long time to hear a statesman say as much.
The question now is how the leaders of Europe will respond. The United States is ready to lead a confident Western Civilization once more. Is the Old World ready to follow the New?

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